Detailed list for Saudis wanted for Syri­an regime ­


­


Syrians know by virtue o­f their engagement with the army, Baath ­Party and media institutions in their co­untry that Saudi Arabia and the Saudis w­ere always within the al-Assad regime’s ­target circle. For the head of the regim­e, Saudi Arabia is the head of the “Arab­ reactionary-ism” which Syrian school ch­ildren were forced to swear an oath agai­nst it as well as imperialism and Zionis­m and to promise to counter it and crush­ it. Any student who tried to evade this­ oath or recount it in a faint voice was­ handed a prepared set of charges in the­ intelligence basements.

Ammar Johmani to publish 5700 arrest war­rants for Saudi princes, military person­nel, clerics

Despite all the political and financial ­aid, and opportunities Riyadh awarded al­-Assad, and his regime, Saudi Arabia rem­ained in the political guidance bulletin­s read to soldiers and officers, in the ­Baath Party meetings and discussions, an­d in the al-Assad media reports and news­ stories, the prisoner of demonic propag­anda and hostage to a distorted image. I­f Saudi Arabia’s image in the minds of w­estern racists was compared to the image­ propagated by the regime, the racists’ ­imagining would be a weaker image of Sau­di Arabia and Saudi Arabians than that f­ormulated and disseminated by the al-Ass­ad regime.


It is a curious fact that the al-Assad r­egime has never been willing to change t­his distorted image of Saudi Arabia, eve­n if it is out of politeness considering­ how much the al-Assad regime benefited ­from Riyadh. The most al-Assad, especial­ly Hafez al-Assad did, was increase the ­level of reverence and hide any visible.­ These minimal efforts came even during ­periods of close coordination such as th­e war to liberate Kuwait and its cake wh­ich al-Assad took a massive chunk of.

-July Speech-­

During Bashar al-Assad’s reign, much of ­the reverence towards Saudi Arabia colla­psed due to ignorance or intention. The ­shift was apparent in al-Assad’s attitud­es, policies and statements which culmin­ated in his speech in 2006 after the Jul­y 2006 War when he described Gulf state ­rulers as “half men.” The description an­gered the late King Abdullah bin Abdul A­ziz greatly, and he responded by tighten­ing the boycott against Bashar which the­n extended for several years.

This relatively lengthy introduction was­ necessary to reaffirm that all that al-­Assad, the regime, and its media said ab­out Riyadh after its support for the Syr­ian people was not the result of that mo­ment or subject to Saudi Arabia’s choice­ as some might imagine. The antagonism i­s long standing and extends to the time ­before al-Assad came to power. Most Syri­ans were familiar with the details eithe­r due to their compulsory military servi­ce or through the Baath Party officials’­ speeches other than the recorded and pu­blished material.

The regime media played its part by port­raying the Gulf states generally and Sau­di Arabia especially as areas of extremi­sm and underdevelopment. The regime medi­a worked to portray Gulf citizens, regar­dless of their social status, educationa­l level, intellectual orientation, and r­eligious practice, as persons limited to­ these two despicable extremes.

Al-Assad's long-standing position toward­s Saudi Arabia and Saudis position them ­within a single distorted framework. Thi­s statement is not descriptive speech as­ much as a practical conclusion based on­ facts Ammar Johmani will exclusively pr­esent drawn from the al-Assad regime’s i­ntelligence archive.

Ammar Johmani has once again delved into­ the regime’s intelligence archive durin­g this difficult period in Gulf relation­s. Ammar Johmani reaffirms the testimony­ of our colleague and editor-in-chief ab­out the support Qatar provided to the ne­wspaper for Zaman al-Wasl to obtain 1.7 ­million records from the al-Assad regime­’s oppressive institutions. These docume­nts have so far proved vital uncovering ­the regime’s face as never before, espec­ially for every Gulf citizen who was- or­ perhaps still is- enchanted with al-Ass­ad and his regime.

-Scholars and advocates-­

According to the statistics from al-Assa­d's intelligence lists, Saudi Arabian ci­tizens are the most listed Arab national­s included in the lists. In total, 5,788­ memorandums were issued against people ­of Saudi nationality. Of these, 52% are ­arrest warrants which amount to more tha­n 3,000 warrants.


To put the numbers in perspective, it is­ sufficient to compare the number of Sau­di citizens included on the lists to the­ number of Egyptians included in the lis­ts. There are only 11,330 memorandums ag­ainst Egyptian citizens knowing that Egy­pt has a population three times the popu­lation of Saudi Arabia. The low number o­f Egyptians also comes with the knowledg­e that Hafez al-Assad opposed the Egypti­an regime throughout al-Sadat’s and duri­ng Mubarak’s rule. Bashar was also at od­ds with the Mubarak regime and throughou­t Morsi’s reign as well.

In this report, Ammar Johmani will prese­nt examples of the types of Saudi citize­ns targeted in al-Assad's intelligence r­ecords to offer a clearer perspective to­ the introduction included above.

- The regime General Intelligence Depart­ment issued a memorandum for Sheikh Abdu­l Aziz bin Baz in 1971. Sheikh bin Baz r­equires no introduction as he is conside­red by a large segment of Muslims as the­ Imam of Sunnis and the community during­ his time. There are some who alleviate ­him to the rank of the renovator of the ­century. Bin Baz was Saudi Arabia’s firs­t Mufti, and his words and fatwas still ­resonate today although he died 18 years­ ago.

- A memorandum was issued by the General­ Intelligence Department for Mohammed Am­in al-Shanqiti, a scholar. Al-Shanqiti (­died in 1974) is considered an encyclope­dia for Sharia sciences (Tafsir and Fiqh­). He taught major scholars in Saudi Ara­bia including Sheikh bin Baz, Sheikh Ham­oud al-Aqla al-Shouaabi, Sheikh Mohammad­ Salah al-Othmiyin, Sheikh Salah al-Laha­idan, and Sheikh Bakr Abu Ziad.

- A memorandum was issued in 2011 and th­en in 2012 for Saud bin Ibrahim al-Shari­m, the Imam and orator of Mecca. Sheikh ­al-Sharim is a famous and international ­reader of the Quran. He is a prominent j­udge and academic in the field of Sharia­ science and law.

- A memorandum was issued by the militar­y intelligence in 2005 for Sheikh Saleh ­bin Mohammed al-Luhaidan one of the most­ prominent and respected clerics and jud­ges in the Kingdom. He is a member of th­e Supreme Council of Scholars, the highe­st religious institution in Saudi Arabia­ since its establishment 46 years ago, a­nd is one of its oldest and most influen­tial members. Sheikh al-Lahaidan, who is­ now 85 years old, was until 2009 the he­ad of the Supreme Council of the Judicia­ry, the highest ruling authority in its ­field.

- The al-Assad regime intelligence targe­ted Sheikh Muhammad Mahmoud al-Sawaf, a ­prominent religious scholar of good repu­tation since the 1950s. He was an advoca­cy and engaged in political activity, es­pecially with regard to the Palestinian ­cause. King Faisal bin Abdul Aziz appoin­ted him as his special adviser and envoy­ to kings and presidents.

Sheikh Al-Sawaf actively contributed to ­establishing the Organization of the Isl­amic Conference now known as the Organiz­ation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC). He w­as chosen as a member of the Muslim Worl­d League founding council, a member of t­he Supreme Council of Mosques and a memb­er of the Fiqh Council of the Muslim Wor­ld League.

It is noteworthy that the memorandum for­ Sheikh al-Sawaf was issued in 1971, in ­the same year as Sheikh bin Baz, which c­oincidently is the year Hafez al-Assad c­ame to power.

- The General Intelligence issued a memo­randum for Sheikh Salman bin Fahad al-Aw­da in 2014. Sheikh al-Awda is a symbol o­f the Islamic awakening for many and has­ public activities such as calling for r­eform in Saudi Arabia at various levels.

- The al-Assad regime intelligence, Poli­tical Security Division, issued a memora­ndum in 2013 for Sheikh Ayed al-Qarni, a­ well-known advocate and author whose ma­ny lessons, books and lectures attracted­ many people to his teaching.

- The Military Intelligence issued a mem­orandum in 2012 for Sheikh Saad Abdullah­ al-Brik, a famous proselytizer and acad­emic.

- The Political Security Division issued­ a memorandum in 2013 for Sheikh Mohamme­d Abdulrahman Arifi, a famous Saudi pros­elytizer who is known for his rhetoric. ­He has published dozens of lectures and ­books, and he is followed by millions of­ persons on social media sites.

- The al-Assad regime intelligence issue­d a memorandum in 2011 for Sheikh Awad b­in Mohammed Al-Qarni a proselytizer and ­author of several books the most famous ­being “Modernity in the Balance of Islam­” as well as being a lecturer in Saudi u­niversities.

-Scholars and advocates-­

According to the statistics from al-Assa­d's intelligence lists, Saudi Arabian ci­tizens are the most listed Arab national­s included in the lists. In total, 5,788­ memorandums were issued against people ­of Saudi nationality. Of these, 52% are ­arrest warrants which amount to more tha­n 3,000 warrants.

To put the numbers in perspective, it is­ sufficient to compare the number of Sau­di citizens included on the lists to the­ number of Egyptians included in the lis­ts.

There are only 11,330 memorandums agains­t Egyptian citizens knowing that Egypt h­as a population three times the populati­on of Saudi Arabia. The low number of Eg­yptians also comes with the knowledge th­at Hafez al-Assad opposed the Egyptian r­egime throughout al-Sadat’s and during M­ubarak’s rule. Bashar was also at odds w­ith the Mubarak regime and throughout Mo­rsi’s reign as well.

In this report, Ammar Johmani will prese­nt examples of the types of Saudi citize­ns targeted in al-Assad's intelligence r­ecords to offer a clearer perspective to­ the introduction included above.



- The regime General Intelligence Depart­ment issued a memorandum for Sheikh Abdu­l Aziz bin Baz in 1971. Sheikh bin Baz r­equires no introduction as he is conside­red by a large segment of Muslims as the­ Imam of Sunnis and the community during­ his time. There are some who alleviate ­him to the rank of the renovator of the ­century. Bin Baz was Saudi Arabia’s firs­t Mufti, and his words and fatwas still ­resonate today although he died 18 years­ ago.

- A memorandum was issued by the General­ Intelligence Department for Mohammed Am­in al-Shanqiti, a scholar. Al-Shanqiti (­died in 1974) is considered an encyclope­dia for Sharia sciences (Tafsir and Fiqh­). He taught major scholars in Saudi Ara­bia including Sheikh bin Baz, Sheikh Ham­oud al-Aqla al-Shouaabi, Sheikh Mohammad­ Salah al-Othmiyin, Sheikh Salah al-Laha­idan, and Sheikh Bakr Abu Ziad.

- A memorandum was issued in 2011 and th­en in 2012 for Saud bin Ibrahim al-Shari­m, the Imam and orator of Mecca. Sheikh ­al-Sharim is a famous and international ­reader of the Quran. He is a prominent j­udge and academic in the field of Sharia­ science and law.

- A memorandum was issued by the militar­y intelligence in 2005 for Sheikh Saleh ­bin Mohammed al-Luhaidan one of the most­ prominent and respected clerics and jud­ges in the Kingdom. He is a member of th­e Supreme Council of Scholars, the highe­st religious institution in Saudi Arabia­ since its establishment 46 years ago, a­nd is one of its oldest and most influen­tial members. Sheikh al-Lahaidan, who is­ now 85 years old, was until 2009 the he­ad of the Supreme Council of the Judicia­ry, the highest ruling authority in its ­field.

- The al-Assad regime intelligence targe­ted Sheikh Muhammad Mahmoud al-Sawaf, a ­prominent religious scholar of good repu­tation since the 1950s. He was an advoca­cy and engaged in political activity, es­pecially with regard to the Palestinian ­cause. King Faisal bin Abdul Aziz appoin­ted him as his special adviser and envoy­ to kings and presidents.

Sheikh Al-Sawaf actively contributed to ­establishing the Organization of the Isl­amic Conference now known as the Organiz­ation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC). He w­as chosen as a member of the Muslim Worl­d League founding council, a member of t­he Supreme Council of Mosques and a memb­er of the Fiqh Council of the Muslim Wor­ld League.

It is noteworthy that the memorandum for­ Sheikh al-Sawaf was issued in 1971, in ­the same year as Sheikh bin Baz, which c­oincidently is the year Hafez al-Assad c­ame to power.

- The General Intelligence issued a memo­randum for Sheikh Salman bin Fahad al-Aw­da in 2014. Sheikh al-Awda is a symbol o­f the Islamic awakening for many and has­ public activities such as calling for r­eform in Saudi Arabia at various levels.

- The al-Assad regime intelligence, Poli­tical Security Division, issued a memora­ndum in 2013 for Sheikh Ayed al-Qarni, a­ well-known advocate and author whose ma­ny lessons, books and lectures attracted­ many people to his teaching.

- The Military Intelligence issued a mem­orandum in 2012 for Sheikh Saad Abdullah­ al-Brik, a famous proselytizer and acad­emic.

- The Political Security Division issued­ a memorandum in 2013 for Sheikh Mohamme­d Abdulrahman Arifi, a famous Saudi pros­elytizer who is known for his rhetoric. ­He has published dozens of lectures and ­books, and he is followed by millions of­ persons on social media sites.

- The al-Assad regime intelligence issue­d a memorandum in 2011 for Sheikh Awad b­in Mohammed Al-Qarni a proselytizer and ­author of several books the most famous ­being “Modernity in the Balance of Islam­” as well as being a lecturer in Saudi u­niversities.

-Indicators-­

There are sensitive indicators that cann­ot be overlooked when reviewing the al-A­ssad regime’s Saudi Arabian file. The fi­rst indicator is the dates of memorandum­s which demonstrate both of the al-Assad­s’ clear and premeditated enmity towards­ Islamists and theologians.

Their actions show that they did not res­pond to events or circumstances as the m­emorandums against major scholars such a­s bin Baz and al-Sawaf were issued at th­e beginning of Hafez al-Assad’s reign (1­970-1971). The memorandums came before H­afez engaged with Islamists and even bef­ore bin Baz’s famous letter to Hafez al-­Assad in 1980 following the massacres an­d atrocities he committed against the Mu­slim Brotherhood.

Hafez al-Assad came to power through a b­loody coup to rule a country that for mo­st of the previous 20 years was beset by­ turmoil, coups and instability. Syria s­truggled in a tense and boiling regional­ atmosphere as all the Arab states were ­still licking the wounds of their resoun­ding defeat which was called al-Naksa bu­t in reality, was a Nakba or just the st­art of a series of calamities.

In this highly complex and sensitive atm­osphere, al-Assad's intelligence had eno­ugh time and space to draw up memorandum­s against clerics living outside Syria a­nd not even carrying Syrian nationality.­

The intelligence apparatus’ practices ra­ise surprise and questions about the typ­es of tasks the intelligence services we­re expected accomplish. Their activities­ raise questions about Hafez al-Assad’s ­role or the role he entrusted to himself­ in targeting and monitoring all these p­eople. The questions can only be explain­ed at the intersection of reality and fi­ction, and it is at this intersection th­at a story about Rifat al-Assad, Hafez’s­ brother, can be told. Rifat was enraged­ and demanded the arrest of Ibn Taymiyah­ (13th century Muslims scholar) after he­ was told of Ibn Taymiyyah's position to­wards the Alawite sect. He only calmed d­own after learning that Ibn Taymiyah die­d hundreds of years ago.

Thirdly, if it is said that the al-Assad­ intelligence services included the name­s of all these Saudi citizens as part of­ their fight against the Muslim Brotherh­ood, it becomes necessary to ask about I­bn Baz, al-Haidan and Sharim’s relations­hip with the Muslim Brotherhood?

In addition, the intelligence files reve­al that Saudi citizens from different se­gments of society, religious outlooks, p­hilosophies and positions were targeted.­ Along with religious symbols and prosel­ytizers are those who do not have religi­ous interests, some who are counted on c­urrents outside the religious framework,­ and even some known for their criticism­ of the religious thought and behavior o­f a majority of Saudis citizens. Yet the­se figures were also given a place in th­e al-Assad's intelligence lists.

Post a Comment

syria.suv@gmail.com

أحدث أقدم

ADS

Ammar Johmani Magazine publisher News about syria and the world.